The Relabeled

Negro Without a Place of Origin

The mechanism was simple. An indigenous person from the Caribbean, or from Labrador, or from Nova Scotia, arrives in a slave market. No origin is recorded. They are sold as a “Negro.”1

From that point forward, any historical trace of their American origin is erased. They are now, in the documentary record, African.

  • Historical record quoted in Kurimeo Ahau, Pt. 1 — American Indians Were The First Slaves          


  • The Stroke of the Pen

    “The English found what they could not accomplish with the torch and the gun, they could accomplish with the stroke of the pen.”1

    Indian became Colored. Colored became Negro. Negro became Black. Black became African American. Each relabeling moved the identity one step further from the original. By the time your father checked a box, the box itself had been designed to make the truth invisible.

  • Kurimeo Ahau, Pt. 20 — First “negro” slaves (Indians) in 1526          


  • The Original Mulatto

    Virginia’s 1705 legal code defined “mulatto” as “the child of an Indian” and “the child, grandchild, or great-grandchild of a negro.” No reference to white ancestry. No reference to racial mixing.1

    Mulatto was simply a legal category that encompassed Indians and those of African descent. The mixed-race meaning came later — after the original definition had already done its work of collapsing Indian identity into a catchall.

  • William Waller Henning, Statutes at Large (Virginia, 1705).           


  • Indian Slavery Was Ubiquitous

    Indian slavery was “ubiquitous” throughout all thirteen mainland British colonies by 1772. Thousands of enslaved Indians worked alongside Africans on Virginia plantations.1

    Yet their descendants mysteriously disappeared from the historical record. Not because they died. Because they were reclassified.

  • Making Indians White: The Judicial Abolition of Native Slavery in Revolutionary Virginia and Its Racial Legacy.           


  • Robin vs. Hardaway

    In 1772, George Mason — later famous as the father of the Bill of Rights — represented a slave named Robin and eleven other enslaved plaintiffs in the General Court of Virginia. They claimed that maternal descent from an American Indian made their enslavement illegal.1

    The court agreed. It freed the plaintiffs and ordered their former masters to pay damages. It was the first recorded holding of an Anglo-American court that Indian descent alone established the right to freedom.

  • Robin vs. Hardaway, General Court of Virginia (1772).           


  • The Problem with Freedom

    Robin vs. Hardaway created a problem for slaveholders. If Indian descent meant freedom, then every enslaved person with Indian ancestry had a legal claim.1

    The solution wasn’t to free them. It was to make sure they could never prove they were Indian. If the record says “Negro,” there’s no freedom suit. The reclassification wasn’t an accident of sloppy record-keeping. It was a legal strategy.

  • Analysis of freedom suit patterns in colonial Virginia court records.           


  • The Government Knew

    The 19th Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, published in 1900, explicitly stated that “a considerable proportion of the blood of the southern Negroes of the US is unquestionably Indian.”1

    The government knew. They documented it in an official report. They noted that many enslaved Indians had been “compelled to associate and intermarry with the Negroes until they finally lost their identity.” Then they kept the classification system running for another century.

  • 19th Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology (1900).           


  • Walter Plecker

    Dr. Walter Ashby Plecker served as Virginia’s registrar of vital statistics from 1912 to 1946. He was part of the eugenics movement — a movement about “creating one race of people, which was white, and everything else was put in the pot.”1

    He changed birth certificates. He changed marriage licenses. He instructed census takers in 1930 that Native Americans should be considered “bastards” who were “just trying to be Indian to marry into the white race.”

  • Chief Walt Red Hawk Brown, testimony on documented paper genocide.           


  • The Hit List

    In 1943, Plecker issued a list of surnames belonging to families suspected of having “negro ancestry” who “must not be allowed to pass as Indian or white.”1

    He declared that “the term Indian will no longer be accepted” except for those of “pure Indian blood” mixed only with whites. If there was any “mixture of negro,” they “must not be classed as Indians but as negro or mixed Indian.” Hospital officials were instructed to refuse Indian classifications on birth certificates.

  • Walter Plecker, “The New Virginia Law to Preserve Racial Integrity,” Virginia Health Bulletin, March 1924.           


  • Preserved for All Time

    Plecker’s records were designed to be “permanently recorded and preserved for all time.”1 That was his plan. And it worked.

    Families with identical ancestry could be classified differently — some members listed as “Indian” and others as “Black” on the same documents. Census takers who were “generally white males” made arbitrary decisions about who was Indian based solely on appearance. If you didn’t look Indian to a white man with a clipboard, you weren’t Indian.

  • Virginia Bureau of Vital Statistics records.           


  • The Abolitionist’s Cuffe

    In 1811, the English abolitionist Wilson Armistead met Paul Cuffe and published Memoir of Captain Paul Cuffe, a Man of Colour — without his knowledge. Cuffe was “reportedly miffed.”1 Armistead’s goal was clear: “to minimize Cuffe’s Native identity and enhance as much as possible his African identity.”2

    Of Cuffe’s father — the Ashanti man enslaved at ten — Armistead gave detailed, respectful treatment. Of his mother, Ruth Moses, a Gayhead Wampanoag, he wrote only that she was “descended from one of those tribes” — unnamed, unimportant.3 In 1848, Armistead published A Tribute for the Negro, profiling Cuffe alongside Equiano, Douglass, and Banneker — all framed as African achievement.4

    Then the son corrected the record. In 1839, Paul Cuffe Jr. published his own memoir and titled it Narrative of the Life and Adventures of Paul Cuffe, a Pequot Indian.5 Weaver’s analysis: “Having identified with his Native side, Paul Jr. decided to align himself with the biggest, baddest, meanest junkyard dog on the block. He was definitely and definitively Pequot.”6


    1. Jace Weaver, The Red Atlantic: American Indigenes and the Making of the Modern World, 1000-1927 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2014), 92.           

    2. Weaver, The Red Atlantic, 92. 

    3. Weaver, The Red Atlantic, 92. 

    4. Weaver, The Red Atlantic, 93. 

    5. Paul Cuffe Jr., Narrative of the Life and Adventures of Paul Cuffe, a Pequot Indian (Vernon: Horace N. Bill, 1839). 

    6. Weaver, The Red Atlantic, 95. 

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